TotalEnergies ready to restart Mozambique LNG at any cost — providedthat cost is paid by Mozambicans

27 October 2025 — TotalEnergies’ decision to lift force majeure for its Mozambique
LNG project despite increasingly dangerous security conditions ignores warnings
that the security arrangements for the project jeopardises the safety of communities.
It demonstrates deep disrespect for the unresolved community grievances and
human rights, environmental and climate risks associated with Mozambique LNG. It
could strain Mozambique’s economy even further by hitting the country with a heavy
bill for delays to the project. Civil society organisations are — again — urging that
financial institutions and companies involved with the project withdraw their support.
After a four-year suspension marred by severe human rights violations scandals,
TotalEnergies informed the President of Mozambique in a letter on Friday of its decision to
lift force majeure on its USD 20 billion Mozambique LNG project. However, according to this
letter, signed by TotalEnergies’ CEO Patrick Pouyanné and seen by our organizations, the
restart is still conditional on Mozambique’s agreement on the terms and conditions set by the
French company.


The letter shows that TotalEnergies’ new development plan, updated budget and schedule
for the project still need to be approved by the Mozambican government. Patrick Pouyanné
states that “This revised budget’s approval shall cover the incremental costs incurred by the
project due to Force Majeure, which amount to 4.5 billion dollars”. However, Mozambique is
still to present its own estimate. TotalEnergies is also requesting a ten-year extension of the
development and production period of the project. This negotiation is happening in the
context of already very unfavorable conditions for Mozambique, as TotalEnergies initially
negotiated unfair contracts [1] and benefits from exploitative investor protection clauses in
international agreements [2].
Daniel Ribeiro, Justiça Ambiental: “TotalEnergies is attempting a new tour de force to
obtain ultra-favourable restart conditions. But the enormous favours requested by the
company should also be seen as the severe failure of TotalEnergies: its investment plan is a
disaster, and it needs Mozambique to keep its gas project afloat. One of the world’s richest
companies is holding one of the poorest countries hostage. The Mozambican government
has been pressured to provide public security forces to protect the TotalEnergies project —
and now is being required to pay the costs of the delays. This would weaken Mozambique’s
economy, worsen living conditions for Mozambicans, and further fuel the insurgency.”
A violent regional insurgency, ongoing since October 2017 and driven by social discontent
and worsened socio-economic conditions, has been triggered by the discovery of the gas
reserves and the development of extractive industries that local people do not believe they
will benefit from. Militarisation of the region has continuously failed to stop the insurgency [3].

Since July, insurgent activity has been increasing across the province, including in Palma
town which neighbours the gas project and the nearby port town of Mocimboa da Praia. The
new security arrangements for the gas project concentrate troops at the Afungi gas site,
turning the project into an isolated “fortress” [4]. There are well-founded fears that this will
increase the vulnerability of local people to insurgent attacks.
Mozambique LNG was suspended in April 2021 because of a major attack on Palma town.
During the attack, at least 1,200 people were killed [5], yet the gas project remained safe
under military protection. TotalEnergies is accused of failing to ensure the safety of its
subcontractors during the attack, and is currently under judicial investigation in France for
involuntary manslaughter [6]. The company’s responsibility is also called into question in the
so-called “container massacre” reported by Politico [7].
Lorette Philippot, Friends of the Earth France: “TotalEnergies paid soldiers that, during
three months in 2021, allegedly detained and tortured dozens of civilians on its gas site [8].
Only 26 out of at least 150 people are reported to have survived. But while victims are still
calling for justice, Patrick Pouyanné simply denied their voices and suffering [9]. Not only
must these allegations of serious crimes not go unpunished for those potentially responsible,
but TotalEnergies must be prevented from applying its recipe for chaos once again : putting
its profits before communities safety, as it has been doing since 2019 in Mozambique.”
According to TotalEnergies, the lifting of the force majeure required approval by each of the
31 financial institutions which participated in the USD 14.9 billion financing to Mozambique
LNG in July 2020. [10]
Rieke Butijn, BankTrack: “Our coalition has provided financial institutions with extensive
reports, expert accounts and community testimonies showing that the project endangers
workers and communities and offers very little benefit to Mozambique. With the lifting of the
force majeure, now is the time for these institutions to show that they understand the gravity
of the situation and to make the only responsible financial decision: withdraw their support
for the Mozambique LNG project.”
Among the financial institutions involved, the UK Export Finance agency and the Dutch
government both opened investigations in 2025 into the reported “container massacre” –
with no results made public yet.
Isabelle Geuskens, Milieudefensie: “It is shocking to see TotalEnergies push the
Mozambican government and lift force majeure at a time when the security situation in the
region of the gas area is horrific. Locals are fleeing their communities again, people are
being killed and some of the aid organisations had to retreat because of the escalating
violence. The total disregard for what is happening to Mozambican citizens is appalling. The
Dutch government — which is currently re-assessing its ECA support — should act
responsibly as a public financier, and discontinue its support for this gas project. No Dutch
taxpayer money should back up this rich French company´s dirty project, which is gambling
with the rights and well-being of the people of Cabo Delgado, one of the poorest regions in
the world!”
Simone Ogno, ReCommon: “Oil and gas companies and financial institutions want to press
ahead at all costs with the exploitation of Mozambique’s natural resources, regardless of the

consequences: human rights violations that could potentially amount to war crimes, forced
displacement of people and a burden on Mozambique’s public finances. Added to this are
the potential impacts on the marine environment and climate from offshore projects.This
applies to the Mozambique LNG project as well as to Rovuma LNG (ExxonMobil and ENI) —
which share land use rights and infrastructure with the Mozambique LNG project — and
Coral North FLNG (ENI). A gamble at the expense of the Mozambican people. If the human
rights violations reported to have occurred in 2021 are confirmed, the consequences will also
fall on the project’s financial sponsors, primarily export credit agencies, including SACE.”
Sonja Meister, urgewald: “Siemens Energy holds a key to the start of the Mozambique
LNG project- a non-delivery of its gas turbines and other essential equipment would
represent a main bottleneck further delaying the project from restarting. Deutsche Bank has
already helped TotalEnergies on several occasions to raise new funds that could also be
used to finance the project. German companies and banks should immediately withdraw
their support for Mozambique LNG and TotalEnergies if they do not want to be complicit in
this disastrous project.”
Contacts :
● Daniel Ribeiro, Justiça Ambiental / daniel.ja.mz@gmail.com
● Lorette Philippot, Friends of the Earth France / +33 640188284 /
lorette.philippot@amisdelaterre.org
● Sonja Meister, urgewald / +49 176 64608515 / sonja.meister@urgewald.org
● Rieke Butijn, BankTrack / henrieke@banktrack.org
● Antoine Bouhey, Reclaim Finance / antoine@reclaimfinance.org
● Simone Ogno, ReCommon / simoneogno@recommon.org
● Isa Geuskens, Milieudefensie / isabelle.geuskens@milieudefensie.nl
Notes :
[1] https://www.e3g.org/publications/the-failure-of-gas-for-development-mozambique-case-
study
[2] https://stopmozgas.org/report/report-isds-mozambique-2024/
[3] https://issafrica.org/iss-today/cabo-delgado-insurgency-persists-amid-failed-military-
strategy
[4] https://www.zitamar.com/shut-out-of-fortress-afungi/
[5] https://www.alex-perry.com/palma-massacre/
[6] https://www.lemonde.fr/en/le-monde-africa/article/2025/03/15/french-prosecutors-launch-
manslaughter-probe-against-totalenergies-over-mozambique-attack_6739177_124.html
[7] https://www.politico.eu/article/totalenergies-mozambique-patrick-pouyanne-atrocites-
afungi-palma-cabo-delgado-al-shabab-isis/
[8] https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/video/2025/01/28/comment-des-soldats-payes-par-
totalenergies-ont-sequestre-des-civils-au-mozambique_6520247_3212.html
[9] Statement by Patrick Pouyanné in June 2025, questioned on Mozambique LNG as part of
an Inquiry Commission in the French Parliament.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tU5z9Rxq2Xw
[10] [https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/totalenergies-further-delays-20-bln-
mozambique-lng-project-ft-reports-2025-01-22/

31 financial institutions participated in the USD 14.9 billion financing to Mozambique LNG in
July 2020.
● Public financial institutions: Export Import Bank of the United States (US EXIM);
Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC); UK Export Finance (UKEF); Export-
Import Bank of Thailand (Thai Exim); Servizi Assicurativi del Commercio Estero
(SACE); Nippon Export and Investment Insurance (NEXI); Export Credit Insurance
Corporation of South Africa (ECIC); Atradius Dutch State Business (ADSB); Cassa
Depositi e Prestiti; African Development Bank (AfDB); African Export Import Bank;
Development Bank of Southern Africa; Industrial Development Corporation of South
Africa; Korea Development Bank; Export Import Bank of Korea (KEXIM); US
International Development Finance Corp (DFC).
● Private financial institutions: Société Générale; Crédit Agricole; Mizuho Bank; JP
Morgan; Standard Chartered Bank; MUFG Bank; Sumitomo Mitsui Banking
Corporation; Sumitomo Mitsui Trust Bank; SBI Shinsei Bank; Nippon Life Insurance;
ABSA Bank; Nedbank; Rand Merchant Bank; Standard Bank; ICBC.

PRESS RELEASE: Mphanda Nkuwa Dam project in Mozambique: Green Colonialism Threatening Communities and the Zambezi River

Maputo/Paris/Berlin – October 15, 2025



Launch of the Report: “Without our land and river, we will starve” : Uncovering Green Colonialism in EDF, Sumitomo and TotalEnergies Hydroelectric dam Project in Mozambique. A new report released today warns of the devastating consequences of the planned Mphanda Nkuwa hydroelectric dam on the Zambezi River. Based on extensive field research, the report sheds light on the massive social, environmental, and human rights risks of the project, as well as the resistance from communities whose consent has neither been sought nor given for this mega-dam.


The Mozambican government and a private consortium led by EDF (40%), TotalEnergies (30%), and Sumitomo Corporation (30%) are moving ahead with the Mphanda Nkuwa hydroelectric dam project on the Zambezi River. Signed in December 2023, this $6.4 billion mega-dam (which is already a 42% cost increase from 2023) is scheduled to be commissioned in 2031. It would become the third largest dam on the Zambezi – a river already strangled by multiple dams – and the largest hydroelectric plant built in Southern Africa in the last 50 years.


Despite its scale and international backing by the European Union, the World Bank and the European Investment Bank, the project was launched without consulting the legally recognized landowners – the local communities who stand to bear the heaviest costs.


The human rights impacts of the project include:
Mass displacement: over 1,400 families (8,120 people) would be forcibly relocated, and up to 350,000 people who rely on the river for farming, fishing, and livestock will be affected.
Land loss: more than 100 km² – the size of Paris – would be flooded.
Heritage destruction: sacred and cultural sites vital to ancestral traditions risk being submerged.
Repression: intimidation, detentions, and threats by the local authorities are already creating a climate of fear and discontent, echoing the traumas linked to the earlier and colonial Cahora Bassa dam and of other megaprojects in the province.


As French corporations, EDF and TotalEnergies are bound by France’s Duty of Vigilance Law. The French State, as the sole shareholder of EDF, bears direct responsibility for ensuring these obligations are upheld.


As of now, this project exemplifies green colonialism: local, marginalized communities being excluded from decision-making and stripped of their rights in the name of development and the energy transition.


Climate experts agree: ending fossil fuel dependency is urgent, but solutions cannot replicate the extractivist model that has fueled today’s crises – nor ignore the growing evidence that mega-dams emit far more greenhouse gases than claimed, putting into question their ‘clean’ label.


That is why this project should be cancelled, at least until these social and environmental issues are adequately addressed and accountability is ensured for violations already committed. We also reiterate that the project should not move ahead if communities do not give their free, prior and informed consent. This means they have the right to say no if, for one reason or another, they do not feel that the project will benefit them.


Download the full report here: http://www.tinyurl.com/mnkreport
Register for the report launch webinar scheduled for October 24 at 11:00 CET here




Contacts:
Anabela Lemos; Erika Mendes(JAl): anabela.ja.mz@gmail.com; erikasmendes@gmail.com
Sophie Rebours ; Clara Alibert; (CCFD-Terre Solidaire): s.rebours@ccfd-terresolidaire.org
Chloé Bailey (ECCHR): bailey@ecchr.eu
    

Energy projects fuel hunger in Palma,

Mozambique

September 2025
Once-thriving communities on the Afungi Peninsula of Palma Bay, in the far north of
Mozambique, have become landless, “slim”, and dispossessed of peaceful futures – as a
direct result of mega liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects majority owned by TotalEnergies,
ENI, and ExxonMobil.
The resettlement process for the communities required to relocate for the gas projects has
been mangled, and it is the most vulnerable who are paying the cost for energy giants to
industrialise their lands. While the Mozambique LNG project remains suspended, and two
others remain without final investment decision, African financial institutions must take the
moment to assess if they will continue their support for a project that has directly harmed
local peoples.
The grandparents of Palma – who have born great losses – testify to experiences of struggle
in the resource-rich Cabo Delgado province.
“Since the day we left until today, we have not received any support, not even farmland…at
my age, I can’t get food, I don’t have a farm,” explains Senhora. F, originally from
Barabarane village where she farmed, fished, and gathered firewood and medicines from the
land.
Senhora. A, who supported her family from the sale of fish brought in by local fishing boats
says: “Without fish I am lifeless…Our lives now are made up of land struggle.”

For the elderly of Palma, who have watched their communities disintegrate since the gas
companies arrived, there is now only a bleak hope that their families can live in dignity.
Commercially viable gas fields were found far offshore in the Rovuma Basin in around 2010.
Then, the grandparents of Palma were still strong, working the shore and their vast lands,
and spending long days at sea. Life was hard, and socio-economic conditions were not
idyllic, but they were surrounded by beauty, they had stable homes in thriving communities,
and their children were healthy.
When their lands were required for the gas projects, they entered into negotiations for
resettlement with hopes fed by promises of a better life for their children – promises of new
homes and farmlands to replace what they had lost, education and jobs for their children, a
hospital, a football field, and an expansion area for their children, who would soon start their
own families.The first families were relocated in 2019. Since then, they have been caught up
in negotiation processes aimed at serving the gas interests. The land and livelihoods they
hoped to leave as inheritance have become sites of struggle where their children – now
adults – are driven to protest at the company gates to demand what was promised to their
parents.
Senhor S, who lived his life and raised his children in Barabarane states, “My children left
behind land, houses, and everything they had, and to this day they have not been
compensated for their property.” He wears a kofi (a type of cloth cap) as a symbol of faith,
wisdom, and respect in the community.
Some lament their lost homes and destroyed livelihoods, and speak of poor or no
compensation, and no support. Many speak of hunger, of their children and neighbours
looking “slim”, of the daily search for food and water. In addition to lands taken, access is
now restricted to many important coastal and fishing grounds.
Senhor B, who once had a fishing business in Milamba village states, “With the arrival of the
company, I am unable to carry out fishing activities due to the resettlement they have
imposed on us…. I can’t feed my children either, as I did before Total came along.”
Losing land and access to the sea means losing the ability to survive. There are enormous
intangible losses that can never be compensated, such as the unforgettable flavor of local
food, guaranteed by the centuries-old mango trees; the shelter and food provided by the old
coconut palms; and the colorful bed mats woven from wild strawn.
Senhor S, who lost farmlands in Nsemo, explains that the limited cash compensation is not a
fair replacement for ever-providing natural resources, “If you give us money how are we
going to live as human beings? How will my children and grandchildren survive?”
French company TotalEnergies leads the resettlement work on the Afungi gas site, and is
majority owner of the Mozambique LNG project. The project shares land use rights for the
gas site with the Rovuma LNG project of Italian company ENI and American company
ExxonMobil. About 32 financial institutions have committed approximately USD 15 billion to
Mozambique LNG, including four South African banks and five African public institutions.
Collectively, the African financial institutions involved have committed around
USD 2.5 billion. All have been informed of the communities’ unresolved resettlement
grievances as well as other severe risks, including environmental and climate risks.
Over the years, tireless attempts and proposals from communities for a resolution were
largely ignored by the company, and formal complaints processes through the Mozambican
government yielded further delays. Confusion and tension were also created when fields in
some communities were taken – some without payment, some without even agreement –
and then allocated as compensation fields to resettled communities. A key flaw in the

resettlement process is that communities were not provided legal assistance, and civil
society organisations were impeded from providing support. It was only after a series of
brave protests starting in November 2024 that the gas company re-entered negotiation.
Since then, new agreements have been signed in some communities but payments have not
been made, and in other communities, negotiations are still underway.
Across Africa, similar grievances have been raised against TotalEnergies relating to lands
taken, livelihoods destroyed, inadequate or lack of compensation, and unmet compensation
promises, in addition to the severe environmental and climate risks of the company’s
projects, and links to human rights violations. In late August, affected communities and civil
society connected their struggles across the continent to call TotalEnergies and its
supporters to account. As part of the Kick Total Out of Africa week of action, the Cabo
Delgado communities spoke at an intercontinental tribunal, alongside communities in
Uganda, South African and the DRC, demanding accountability and reparations for the
socio-economic, environmental and human rights violations associated with the company.
In Palma, the gas-related displacement cannot be separated from the instability created by
the raging regional insurgency, or the responding militarisation of the region that was
accompanied by further extortion and violence against civilians. Ultimately, gas development
would deliver low economic benefits for Mozambique, and only after about another decade.
The projects make use of tax avoidance mechanisms, the gas stakes of Mozambican state
company ENH are considered to be “virtually worthess”, and the gas is already potentially
stranded.
Although there is ongoing insistence that the TotalEnergies project will resume (albeit with
shifting target dates), the risks associated with gas development remain extremely high. For
the people of Palma, the hopes of a better life from gas have become a reality of loss and
hunger. Financial institutions must take into account the real experiences of the men and
women who have witnessed the projects unfolding and experienced their impacts. They
must withdraw their support for development that offers little to Mozambique in return for the
lands and sea it takes.

Déclaration de Maputo de solidarité avec les peuples Palestinien et Sahraoui

Déclaration de Maputo de solidarité avec les peuples Palestinien et Sahraoui

Demande des participants au 9e atelier de Maputo sur l’impunité des entreprises et les droits humains pour la libération de la Palestine et du Sahara Occidental, Maputo, 1er août 2025

En tant que personnes et organisations venues de 30 pays à Maputo pour renforcer la solidarité internationale et élaborer une stratégie de résistance contre l’exploitation de nos terres et de nos mers par les sociétés transnationales, nous reconnaissons leur complicité dans l’occupation des territoires des peuples autochtones à travers le monde. Cela est évident tant en Palestine qu’au Sahara Occidental.

Nous sommes fermement solidaires du peuple Palestinien qui subit un génocide. La situation à Gaza s’est détériorée à des niveaux sans précédent. L’occupation israélienne utilise la famine comme arme de guerre, les civils se voient refuser l’accès à la nourriture, à l’eau et aux fournitures médicales essentielles, ce qui entraîne une malnutrition généralisée et des décès évitables. Les zones résidentielles, les hôpitaux et les écoles ont été soumis à des frappes aériennes incessantes, causant la mort de plus de soixante mille civils, en particulier des femmes et des enfants. Plus de 1,5 million de personnes ont été déplacées de force, pour ensuite subir de nouvelles attaques. Pendant ce temps, une guerre silencieuse se déroule en Cisjordanie et Israël poursuit son annexion. Comme le souligne le dernier rapport de la Rapporteuse Spéciale des Nations unies sur les territoires palestiniens occupés, Francesca Albanese, intitulé « De l’économie de l’occupation à l’économie du génocide », les entreprises ont contribué de manière significative au génocide en cours et en ont tiré profit, en fournissant à Israël les armes et les machines nécessaires pour détruire des maisons, des écoles, des hôpitaux, des lieux de loisirs et de culte, des moyens de subsistance et des actifs productifs, afin de séparer et de contrôler les communautés et de restreindre l’accès aux ressources naturelles.

En tant qu’organisations engagées en faveur des droits humains et de la justice, nous exhortons tous les gouvernements, organisations de la société civile, institutions et individus à prendre des mesures décisives contre le génocide en cours.

Le Sahara Occidental reste une colonie en Afrique, dont la majeure partie du territoire est occupée par le Maroc depuis 1975, après le départ soudain et la décolonisation non conclue du territoire par l’Espagne, l’ancienne puissance coloniale. Le peuple sahraoui poursuit sa lutte pour l’indépendance et continue d’être victime de violations des droits humains, notamment des tortures et des disparitions. Ses terres et ses ressources sont exploitées à la fois par le Maroc et par des sociétés transnationales, sans le consentement du peuple sahraoui, ce qui est contraire au droit international.

Pour la Palestine, le Sahara Occidental et les autres territoires occupés ou des territoires en proie à des conflits incessants, tels que la République Démocratique du Congo, le Soudan, Cabo Delgado au Mozambique, nous condamnons toutes les formes de colonisation et dénonçons la complicité des sociétés transnationales. Nous demandons que soit reconnu que les pays et les citoyens du monde entier qui profitent des ressources pillées dans les territoires occupés sont complices de ces occupations et des violations brutales des droits humains. Nous sommes fermement solidaires des peuples qui résistent à la spoliation et à la destruction de leurs territoires. Nous unissons nos forces pour exiger un avenir où la vie passe toujours avant le profit.

Pour la Palestine, nous demandons:

  1. Un cessez-le-feu immédiat: l’arrêt inconditionnel et permanent de toutes les opérations militaires à Gaza.
  2. Un accès humanitaire sans restriction: ouvrir les frontières et permettre aux organisations humanitaires d’acheminer des fournitures essentielles à la population de Gaza, et à la population de Gaza d’accéder à ces fournitures en toute sécurité.
  3. La responsabilité des crimes de guerre: mener des enquêtes indépendantes sur tous les crimes de guerre et toutes les violations du droit international, et tenir les auteurs responsables.
  4. La liberté et la protection des prisonniers palestiniens et la fin de leur traitement inhumain dans les prisons Israéliennes.
  5. La libre circulation des Palestiniens: reconnaître et garantir le droit des Palestiniens à la libre circulation.
  6. La fin de l’occupation et l’affirmation des droits et de la liberté des Palestiniens: nous défendons les droits humains inaliénables des Palestiniens à la liberté, à la justice, au retour et à l’autodétermination, ainsi que le retrait complet des troupes étrangères et des occupants illégaux du territoire palestinien.
  7. Boycott, désinvestissement et sanctions économiques: Appeler les gouvernements à rompre leurs relations diplomatiques, à mettre en place des embargos commerciaux et des sanctions économiques contre l’occupation israélienne. Appeler également au boycott académique et sportif ainsi qu’au désinvestissement dans les entreprises israéliennes.
  8. Les États doivent respecter leurs obligations au titre de la Convention des Nations Unies pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide.

De plus, nous pensons que la seule solution juste et durable consiste à établir un seul État démocratique, du fleuve à la mer, où les réfugiés palestiniens puissent retourner, où les colonies israéliennes soient démantelées et où tous les habitants jouissent de droits de citoyenneté égaux dans un pays décolonisé qui garantit la liberté et la dignité pour tous à travers un processus de vérité et de réconciliation qui traite les injustices historiques et offre des réparations pour la dépossession des Palestiniens.

Pour le Sahara Occidental, nous demandons:

  1. La fin de l’occupation illégale: Appeler à la fin de l’occupation marocaine des territoires du Sahara Occidental.
  2. Respect du droit à l’autodétermination du peuple Sahraoui, qui doit être libre de décider de son avenir politique, notamment par la reconnaissance de la République arabe sahraouie démocratique (RASD) comme gouvernement légitime du Sahara occidental.
  3. Retour des réfugiés Sahraouis, garantissant ainsi le droit des personnes vivant dans les camps de retourner dans leur patrie dans des conditions sûres et dignes.
  4. La libération des prisonniers politiques: Libérer tous les prisonniers sahraouis illégalement emprisonnés par la puissance occupante.
  5. La protection des ressources naturelles: Mettre fin au pillage des ressources naturelles du Sahara Occidental par la puissance occupante et les sociétés transnationales.
  6. La protection des droits humains: garantir la surveillance et la protection des droits humains dans les territoires occupés par des organismes internationaux indépendants.
  7. La liberté de circulation de tous les Sahraouis: garantir et assurer le droit de circulation de tout le peuple sahraoui.
  8. Les États africains doivent respecter leurs engagements régionaux et internationaux: l’Union africaine et ses États membres doivent veiller au respect des objectifs de l’Acte constitutif de l’Union en matière de respect et de protection des droits du peuple sahraoui en vertu de la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples et des instruments pertinents relatifs aux droits des peuples.

A luta continua!

SIGNATURES

Organisations nationales

Justiça Ambiental (JA!) – Friends of the Earth Moçambique

Palestine Environmental NGOs Network (PENGON), Friends of the Earth Palestine

National Union of Sahrawi Women (UNMS) – Western Sahara

Les Amis de la Terre – Togo / Friends of the Earth – Togo

Sikkim Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (SILTA) – North East India

Affected citizens of Teesta (ACT) Sikkim – North East India

Climáximo – Portugal

Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) – India

Sustainable Development Institute (SDI) – Liberia

10. Núcleo para Desenvolvimento Comunitário de Cabo Delgado (NUDEC) – Moçambique

11. Centre Congolais pour le ( Droit du ) Développement Durable (CODED) – R.D. Congo

12. Magamba Network – Zimbabwe

13. Buni Media – Kenya

14. Journal Rappe – Senegal

15. Mouvement Africain pour les Droits Environnementaux dans la région de l’Est BURKINA Faso (MADEE) – Burkina Faso

16. Natural Resource Women Platform (NRWP) – Liberia

17. Plataforma da Sociedade Civil da Província de Manica (PLASOC) – Moçambique

18. Zimbabwe Smallholder Organic Farmers Forum (ZIMSOFF) – Zimbabwe 

19. Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) – Nigeria 

20. International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) – South Africa

21. Help Initiative For Social Justice and Humanitarian Development – Nigeria

22. Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) Gauteng – South Africa

23. Landless Peoples Movement – South Africa

24. West Coast Food Sovereignty and Solidarity Forum – South Africa

25. South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) – South Africa

26. Environmental Defenders Network (EDEN) – Nigeria

27. Jeunes Volontaires pour l’Environnement (JVE) Côte d’Ivoire 

28. Advocacy Coalition for Sustainable Agriculture (ACSA) – Uganda

29. Friends of the Earth Japan – Japan

30. South African BDS Coalition – South Africa

31. Ondjango Feminista – Angola 

32. Associação Observatório de Políticas de Género – Angola 

33. Healthcare Workers 4 Palestine – South Africa 

34. African Water Commons Collective – South Africa

35. Women on Mining and Extractives – Sierra Leone

36. ATTAC CADTM – Togo

37. Civic Forum on Housing and Habitat – Zambia 

38. All Youth Foundation for Community Development – Yemen 

39. Centre for Social Change, University of Johannesburg – South Africa

40. Community Action Movement – Nigeria

41. Missão Tabita, Zambézia – Moçambique

42. Les Amis de la Terre – Belgique (ASBL) – Belgium

43. groundWork, Friends of the Earth South Africa

44. Participatory Action Research Coalition – India

45. Rights not Recuse Trust – Namibia

46. Amigas de la Tierra España / Friends of the Earth Spain

47. Young Women of Africa (YWOA) 

48. Amigas da Terra Brasil / Friends of the Earth Brazil

49. Center for Labour and Social Studies (CLASS) – Nepal

50. The Grail – International Women Movement – Moçambique

51. Grana Nostra – Collectif Algérien Pour la Biodiversité – Algérie

52. National Sudanese Women Association (NSWA) – Sudan 

53. Friends of the Earth Denmark (NOAH) – Denmark

54. Associação para Promoção dos Direitos de Transgéneros de Moçambique (ANTRA) – Moçambique

55. Sahabat Alam Malaysia / Friends of the Earth Malaysia (SAM) – Malaysia

56. Lawyers’ Environmental Action Team (LEAT) / Friends of the Earth Tanzania

57. Centre For Alternative Research and Studies (CARES) – Mauritius

58. Censat Agua Viva / Friends of the Earth Colombia

59. Community Development Advocacy Foundation (CODAF) – Nigeria 

60. Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center – Friends of the Earth Philippines

61. Lok Shakti Abhiyan – India

62. Centre For Studies on Climate Justice – Bhubaneswar, India

63. Centre for Citizens Conserving Environment & Management (CECIC) – Uganda

64. Afrikagrupperna – Sweden 

65. Sahrawi Organization Against Moroccan Occupation – Western Sahara

66. Association of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders in Western Sahara

67. Association for the Protection of Sahrawi Prisoners in Moroccan prisons – Western Sahara

68. Association for the Monitoring of the Resources and for the Protection of the Environment in Western Sahara (AMRPENWS) – Western Sahara

69. Sahrawi Association of Victims of Grace Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan State (ASVDH) – Western Sahara

70. Sahrawi Association for the Protection and Promotion of Sahrawi Culture and Heritage – Western Sahara

71. Union Nationale des Femmes Algériennes – Western Sahara

72. Committee for the Defense of the Self-Determination of the People of Western Sahara (CODAPSO) – Western Sahara

73. Committee for the Protection of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders – Western Sahara

74. Sahrawi Observatory for Child Protection – Western Sahara

75. Sahrawi Committee of Arbitrarily Dismissed Employees and Workers by Moroccan State – Western Sahara

76. Committee of the Families of the Abducted – Western Sahara

77. Committee for the Protection of Natural Resources and Defense of the Settlement Plan – Western Sahara

78. Port Arthur Community Action Network (PACAN) – United States of America

79. MA’AN Development Center – Palestine

80. Arab Agronomists Association (AAA) – Palestine

81. Rural Women Development Society (RWDS) – Palestine

82. Union Nationale des Femmes Algériennes (UNFA) – Algérie

83. Friends of the Earth – Grenada (West Indies) 

84. Ramani Collective – Kenya

85. Coletivo Refúgio Humanitário Palestina Brasil

86. Sunflower Association – Palestine

87. Comitê Capixabas pela Palestina – Brasil

88. Zelena akcija / Friends of the Earth Croatia


Organisations internationales / régionales

89. La Via Campesina Southern and Eastern Africa (LVC – SEAF)

90. Convergence Globale des Luttes pour la Terre, l’Eau et  les Semences Paysannes Ouest africain (CGLTE-OA)

91. Green Advocates International (GAI)

92. Amigos da Terra África / Friends of the Earth Africa

93. Housing and Land Rights Network – Habitat International Coalition – Switzerland and Egypt

94. Global Campaign to Reclaim Peoples’ Sovereignty, Dismantle Corporate Power and Stop Impunity

95. Africa Just Transition Network (AJTN) – Africa

96. South Asian Solidarity Collective

97. Oilwatch Africa

98. No REDD in Africa Network (NRAN)

99. Oilwatch International

100. Laudato Si Movement Africa

101. Third World Network (TWN)

102. Womin African Alliance

103. Asia Peoples Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)

104. Transnational Institute (TNI) – Netherlands / International

105. Natural Justice: Lawyers for Communities’ and the Environment – Africa

Maputo Statement of Solidarity with the Palestinian and Sahrawi Peoples

Maputo Statement of Solidarity with the Palestinian and Sahrawi Peoples

Demand of the participants of the 9th Maputo Workshop on Corporate Impunity and Human Rights for the liberation of Palestine and Western Sahara, Maputo, 01 August 2025

As people and organizations who have convened from 30 countries in Maputo to build international solidarity and strategise our resistance to the exploitation of our lands and seas by transnational corporations, we recognise their collusion in the occupation of territories of indigenous peoples across the world. This is evident in both Palestine and Western Sahara.

We stand firmly in solidarity with the Palestinian people who are experiencing genocide. The situation in Gaza has deteriorated to unprecedented levels. The Israeli occupation is using mass starvation as a weapon of war, civilians are being denied access to essential food, water and medical supplies, leading to widespread malnutrition and preventable deaths. Residential areas, hospitals, and schools have been subjected to relentless airstrikes, resulting in the deaths of more than sixty thousand civilians, particularly women and children. Over 1.5 million people have been subjected to forced displacement, only to face further attacks. While a silent war is committed in the West Bank and Israel is proceeding with annexation. As highlighted by the latest report from the UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Francesca Albanese, entitled “From economy of occupation to economy of genocide”, corporations have materially contributed to and profited from the ongoing genocide, by providing Israel with the weapons and machinery required to destroy homes, schools, hospitals, places of leisure and worship, livelihoods and productive assets, to segregate and control communities and to restrict access to natural resources.

As organizations committed to human rights and justice, we urge all governments, civil society organizations, institutions, and individuals to take decisive action against the ongoing genocide.

Western Sahara remains as a colony in Africa, with the majority of its lands occupied by Morocco since 1975, after the sudden exit and unconcluded decolonization of the territory by Spain, the former colonial power. The Sahrawi people have continued their struggle for independence and continue to face human rights violations, including torture and disappearance. Their lands and resources are being carved out both by Morocco and transnational companies, without the consent of the Sahrawi people, which is against international law.

For Palestine, Western Sahara and other occupied territories or territories beset by incessant conflicts, such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Cabo Delgado in Mozambique, we condemn all forms of colonisation and we denounce the complicity of transnational corporations. We call for recognition that those countries and citizens across the world who benefit from the resources plundered in occupied territories are complicit in these occupations and brutal human rights violations. We firmly stand in solidarity with the people resisting dispossession and destruction in their territories. We join forces to demand a future where life always comes before profit.

For Palestine, we call for:

  1. Immediate Ceasefire: An unconditional and permanent halt to all military operations in Gaza.
  2. Unrestricted Humanitarian Access: Open the borders and allow for aid organizations to deliver essential supplies to the Gazan people, and for Gazan people to access supplies in safety.
  3. Accountability for War Crimes: Independent investigations into all war crimes and violations of international law, with perpetrators held responsible.
  4. Freedom and Protection for the Palestinian prisoners and end to their inhuman treatment in Israeli Jails.
  5. Free movement of Palestinians: Recognise and ensure the right of Palestinians to free movement.
  6. End the Occupation and affirm Palestinian rights and freedom: We uphold the inalienable human rights of Palestinians to freedom, justice, return, and self-determination, and complete withdrawal of foreign troops and illegal occupiers from Palestinian land.
  7. Boycott, Divestment and Economic Sanctions: Call for governments to cut diplomatic ties, implement trade embargoes and economic sanctions on the Israeli Occupation. To also call for academic and sports boycotts as well as divestment in Israeli Companies.
  8. Stop the supply of Military equipment and Fuel: Call on other countries to immediately stop or cut off the supply of arms and fuel to the Israeli military.
  9. States to uphold their obligations under the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

Furthermore, we believe that the only just and long term solution is the establishment of a single democratic state, from the river to the sea, where Palestinian refugees return, Israeli settlements are dismantled, and all inhabitants enjoy equal citizenship rights in a decolonized country that guarantees freedom and dignity for everyone through a truth and reconciliation process that addresses historical injustices and provides reparations for Palestinian dispossession.

For Western Sahara, we call for:

  1. End the Illegal Occupation: Call for an end to the Moroccan occupation of the territories of Western Sahara.
  2. Respect for the right to self-determination of the Sahrawi people, who must be allowed to freely decide their political future, including by the recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) as the legitimate government of Western Sahara.
  3. Return of the Sahrawi refugees, thus ensuring the right for those who live in camps to return to their homeland under safe and dignified conditions.
  4. Freedom of the Political Prisoners: Free all the Sahrawi prisoners unlawfully imprisoned by the occupying power.
  5. Protection of the Natural Resources: End to the plundering of Western Sahara’s natural resources by the occupation power and transnational corporations.
  6. Protection of Human Rights: Ensure the monitoring and protection of human rights in the occupied territories by international independent bodies.
  7. Freedom of Movement for all Sahrawis: Guarantee and ensure the right of movement for all the Sahrawi people.
  8. African States must comply with their regional and international commitments: the African Union and its member States must ensure compliance with the objectives of the Constitutive Act of the Union regarding respect for and protection of the rights of the Sahrawi people under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other relevant instruments on the rights of peoples.

A luta continua!

SIGNATURES

National Organisations

  1. Justiça Ambiental (JA!) – Friends of the Earth Moçambique
  2. Palestine Environmental NGOs Network (PENGON), Friends of the Earth Palestine
  3. National Union of Sahrawi Women (UNMS) – Western Sahara
  4. Les Amis de la Terre – Togo / Friends of the Earth – Togo
  5. Sikkim Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (SILTA) – North East India
  6. Affected citizens of Teesta (ACT) Sikkim – North East India
  7. Climáximo – Portugal
  8. Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) – India
  9. Sustainable Development Institute (SDI) – Liberia
  10. Núcleo para Desenvolvimento Comunitário de Cabo Delgado (NUDEC) – Moçambique
  11. Centre Congolais pour le ( Droit du ) Développement Durable (CODED) – R.D. Congo
  12. Magamba Network – Zimbabwe
  13. Buni Media – Kenya
  14. Journal Rappe – Senegal
  15. Mouvement Africain pour les Droits Environnementaux dans la région de l’Est BURKINA Faso (MADEE) – Burkina Faso
  16. Natural Resource Women Platform (NRWP) – Liberia
  17. Plataforma da Sociedade Civil da Província de Manica (PLASOC) – Moçambique
  18. Zimbabwe Smallholder Organic Farmers Forum (ZIMSOFF) – Zimbabwe 
  19. Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) – Nigeria 
  20. International Labour, Research & Information Group (ILRIG) – South Africa
  21. Help Initiative For Social Justice and Humanitarian Development – Nigeria
  22. Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) Gauteng – South Africa
  23. Landless Peoples Movement – South Africa
  24. West Coast Food Sovereignty and Solidarity Forum – South Africa
  25. South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) – South Africa
  26. Environmental Defenders Network (EDEN) – Nigeria
  27. Jeunes Volontaires pour l’Environnement (JVE) Côte d’Ivoire 
  28. Advocacy Coalition for Sustainable Agriculture (ACSA) – Uganda
  29. Friends of the Earth Japan – Japan
  30. South African BDS Coalition – South Africa
  31. Ondjango Feminista – Angola 
  32. Associação Observatório de Políticas de Género – Angola 
  33. Healthcare Workers 4 Palestine – South Africa 
  34. African Water Commons Collective – South Africa
  35. Women on Mining and Extractives – Sierra Leone
  36. ATTAC CADTM – Togo
  37. Civic Forum on Housing and Habitat – Zambia 
  38. All Youth Foundation for Community Development – Yemen 
  39. Centre for Social Change, University of Johannesburg – South Africa
  40. Community Action Movement – Nigeria
  41. Missão Tabita, Zambézia – Moçambique
  42. Les Amis de la Terre – Belgique (ASBL) – Belgium
  43. groundWork, Friends of the Earth South Africa
  44. Participatory Action Research Coalition – India
  45. Rights not Recuse Trust – Namibia
  46. Amigas de la Tierra España / Friends of the Earth Spain
  47. Young Women of Africa (YWOA) 
  48. Amigas da Terra Brasil / Friends of the Earth Brazil
  49. Center for Labour and Social Studies (CLASS) – Nepal
  50. The Grail – International Women Movement – Moçambique
  51. Grana Nostra – Collectif Algérien Pour la Biodiversité – Algérie
  52. National Sudanese Women Association (NSWA) – Sudan 
  53. Friends of the Earth Denmark (NOAH) – Denmark
  54. Associação para Promoção dos Direitos de Transgéneros de Moçambique (ANTRA) – Moçambique
  55. Sahabat Alam Malaysia / Friends of the Earth Malaysia (SAM) – Malaysia
  56. Lawyers’ Environmental Action Team (LEAT) / Friends of the Earth Tanzania
  57. Centre For Alternative Research and Studies (CARES) – Mauritius
  58. Censat Agua Viva / Friends of the Earth Colombia
  59. Community Development Advocacy Foundation (CODAF) – Nigeria 
  60. Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center – Friends of the Earth Philippines
  61. Lok Shakti Abhiyan – India
  62. Centre For Studies on Climate Justice – Bhubaneswar, India
  63. Centre for Citizens Conserving Environment & Management (CECIC) – Uganda
  64. Afrikagrupperna – Sweden 
  65. Sahrawi Organization Against Moroccan Occupation – Western Sahara
  66. Association of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders in Western Sahara
  67. Association for the Protection of Sahrawi Prisoners in Moroccan prisons – Western Sahara
  68. Association for the Monitoring of the Resources and for the Protection of the Environment in Western Sahara (AMRPENWS) – Western Sahara
  69. Sahrawi Association of Victims of Grace Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan State (ASVDH) – Western Sahara
  70. Sahrawi Association for the Protection and Promotion of Sahrawi Culture and Heritage – Western Sahara
  71. Union Nationale des Femmes Algériennes – Western Sahara
  72. Committee for the Defense of the Self-Determination of the People of Western Sahara (CODAPSO) – Western Sahara
  73. Committee for the Protection of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders – Western Sahara
  74. Sahrawi Observatory for Child Protection – Western Sahara
  75. Sahrawi Committee of Arbitrarily Dismissed Employees and Workers by Moroccan State – Western Sahara
  76. Committee of the Families of the Abducted – Western Sahara
  77. Committee for the Protection of Natural Resources and Defense of the Settlement Plan – Western Sahara
  78. Port Arthur Community Action Network (PACAN) – United States of America
  79. MA’AN Development Center – Palestine
  80. Arab Agronomists Association (AAA) – Palestine
  81. Rural Women Development Society (RWDS) – Palestine
  82. Union Nationale des Femmes Algériennes (UNFA) – Algérie
  83. Friends of the Earth – Grenada (West Indies) 
  84. Ramani Collective – Kenya
  85. Coletivo Refúgio Humanitário Palestina Brasil
  86. Sunflower Association – Palestine
  87. Comitê Capixabas pela Palestina – Brasil
  88. Zelena akcija / Friends of the Earth Croatia

International / Regional Organisations

  1. La Via Campesina Southern and Eastern Africa (LVC – SEAF)
  2. Convergence Globale des Luttes pour la Terre, l’Eau et  les Semences Paysannes Ouest africain (CGLTE-OA)
  3. Green Advocates International (GAI)
  4. Amigos da Terra África / Friends of the Earth Africa
  5. Housing and Land Rights Network – Habitat International Coalition – Switzerland and Egypt
  6. Global Campaign to Reclaim Peoples’ Sovereignty, Dismantle Corporate Power and Stop Impunity
  7. Africa Just Transition Network (AJTN) – Africa
  8. South Asian Solidarity Collective
  9. Oilwatch Africa
  10. No REDD in Africa Network (NRAN)
  11. Oilwatch International
  12. Laudato Si Movement Africa
  13. Third World Network (TWN)
  14. Womin African Alliance
  15. Asia Peoples Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)
  16. Transnational Institute (TNI) – Netherlands / International
  17. Natural Justice: Lawyers for Communities’ and the Environment – Africa
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9th Maputo Workshop on Corporate Impunity and Human Rights

July 29th to August 1st 2025, Hotel Glória, Maputo – Mozambique

In 2025, amidst huge geopolitical shifts, crises, and televised as well as invisibilized genocides across the globe, the African continent remains an important site of reproduction of the brutal global fossil capitalism – but also of struggle and resistance against it. What we are witnessing is not new: from enclosures of the commons to electoral and constitutional crises to austerity to rolling back of women’s rights to intensified forms of extraction and ecocide to wars to crackdown on political and environmental activists… we are rather experiencing expanded and accelerated forms of accumulation, while being hit by a full-blown climate and ecological breakdown to which we contributed very little. These and other phenomena all have a link with capitalism, either because capitalism feeds them and benefits from them, or because they are more or less direct consequences of capitalism, or simply because they are its breeding ground.

The deep crises in the African region are rooted, among others, in how the wealth of our land and our people continue to be internationally plundered by transnational corporations, facilitated by inherited colonial structures of accumulation. In order to address the existential threat of the climate crisis, our response needs to be radically decolonial, anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist. 

We hope that the 9th Maputo Workshop on Corporate Impunity and Human Rights serves as a space for exchanges between movements and organisations around the protection of communities rights’ and the environment. It is a call to engage truthfully about our collective commitment to change the current system. How do we reconnect with our African values in order to build a development paradigm that is peoples-centered and in line with the African vision of human dignity? What forms of solidarities (transnational, transversal, cross-movement, feminist etc) are necessary at this precise moment, and how do we deepen them? How are we plotting for our immediate needs and survival, and strengthening our movements from within, in the light of our future anticipated crises? What can we draw from the fees must fall movement in South Africa, the winds of anti-imperialism coming from the Sahel, or the youth uprises in Kenya and Mozambique?

The awakening of Panafrican politics of liberation is urgent – and might well be underway.

For additional information and to register: impunidade.corporativa@gmail.com / +258 84 3106010

Why financial institutions should politely look away from ENI’s Coral North FLNGU

Update from ReCommon and Justiça Ambiental!

In January, Italian company ENI announced it would be ready for the Final Investment
Decision for its Coral North FLNG project, but now states it is still negotiating with private
banks for financing, and seems to blame the delay on the Mozambican authorities. In the
meanwhile, one investor has been sued by a civil society organization, and four private
banks have already excluded financing for the project.
Coral North FLNG, a planned floating platform to extract and liquefy gas off the coast of
Mozambique, is still looking for backers. Although Eni declared in January that it was ready
to take the FID on the project, last week, in the context of its AGM, it admitted to
shareholders that “negotiations with private financial institutions are underway”. When
asked about the reasons for the delay in closing the deal, ENI only replied that the
development plan was approved by the Mozambican authorities in April 2025, implying
they were responsible.
ENI leads work on Coral South FLNG, the only operational project in the Rovuma Basin. It is a
floating processing plant anchored in deep ocean that has been exporting LNG since
November 2022. Coral North FLNG would be a replica, gouging its claws into the sea floor
just 10 kilometres away, compounding the impacts on the ecology of the area.
Answering to the AGM questions, ENI also confirmed that “part of the project requirements
are planned to be financed through debt” and with “support from a number of Export Credit
Agencies”, as for Coral South FLNG. However, different private finance actors are moving
towards withdrawal from unconventional upstream oil and gas in order to achieve carbon
neutrality by 2050. At least four of the banks that supported the first project – BNP Paribas,
Credit Agricole, UniCredit and ABN Amro – say they are no longer interested in financing the
replica because it is not in line with their updated climate change policy.
Just over three years since the massive vessel arrived in the Cabo Delgado region, Coral
South has seen multiple cases of excessive flaring – the burning of excess extracted gas,
which results in significant carbon emissions. As a replica, Coral North would likely be
subject to similar issues. An investigation published in April by Italian civil society
organization, ReCommon, revealed that total emissions from Coral South have been
assessed at levels seven times higher than declared in the original environmental impact
assessment (EIA). Between June and December 2022 alone, flaring emissions from the Coral
South FLNG project accounted for 11.2% of Mozambique’s annual emissions, reflecting an
11.68% increase compared to 2021.Proceeding with gas development in the Rovuma Basin ignores the International Institute for
Sustainable Development findings indicating that investment in additional gas infrastructure
is incompatible with the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C. International Energy
Agency analysis also reveals that, in a 1.5°C scenario, existing LNG export capacity would
already be sufficient to meet current and future demand.
With gas demand declining worldwide, Coral North carries high financial risk, prompting
South Korean civil society organisation, Solutions for Our Climate (SFOC) to attempt to stop
state investment in the project. In February, Korea Gas Corporation (KOGAS) announced a
decision to invest USD 562 million in the project through equity and a loan to its subsidiary,
KG Mozambique. In March, SFOC sued KOGAS, arguing that the investment is economically
risky for South Korea, and the project would contribute significantly to climate change
impacts and therefore violate the rights of future generations to a healthy environment.
Between 2008 and April 2024, KOGAS had already invested around USD 1 billion in
Mozambique gas development, but has refused to disclose the preliminary feasibility study
(PFS) for Coral North. SFOC also has an ongoing case against KOGAS for disclosure of the
PFS.
Two other projects in the Rovuma Basin are planning significantly larger onshore processing
facilities, intending to pipe gas from wells about 50 km offshore, Mozambique LNG and
Rovuma LNG. The environmental impacts of the four gas projects together over their entire
lifetimes could be devastating for the Rovuma Basin and the west Indian ocean. The
Environmental Impact Assessment for the Coral North Project has been criticised for failing
to meet legal and scientific standards in assessing environmental and climate risks.
The Mozambique LNG project, led by French fossil giant TotalEnergies remains under
international scrutiny. The project is under force majeure since April 2021, following a
violent insurgent attack. It is now under investigation following reported allegations of a
massacre of civilians that was allegedly committed near the Afungi gas complex in mid 2021
by public security forces. Mozambique LNG shares land-use rights and some infrastructure
with the Rovuma LNG project, which is led by ExxonMobil, with ENI and China National
Petroleum Corporation as major partners. The project also remains without a final
investment decision.
The development of LNG projects in Mozambique also presents severe concerns about
erosion of sovereignty, due to the legal agreements that limit the government’s ability to
regulate these projects and capture fair revenues. Since gas exploitation began around 2010,
the industry has been linked to significant corruption-driven debt, and the government
supports its national oil company’s participation in LNG projects, creating fiscal risk without
guaranteed returns. Local communities have already lost agricultural lands and access to thesea because of the infrastructure development, and hundreds of families were required to
relocate.
Gas revenues so far amount to just over USD 200 million, of which 40% is intended for the
Sovereign Wealth Fund, which was established for stability and savings for future
generations. Last week the Mozambique Administrative Court reported numerous
irregularities in the Financial State Account for 2023 that represent an alleged
“embezzlement” of USD 33 million from Rovuma Gas revenues. In addition, Mozambican
civil society is raising concerns about the funds being allocated to social and economic
projects as provided for in the State Budget.
Developing Mozambique’s LNG industry promises only more harm – ecological destruction
and climate change impact, the destruction of people’s livelihoods, and increased
disenfranchisement and inequality. This is risky business for public and private financial
investors.
Ends

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March 19 – 5 months without Elvino and Paulo and another month of bloodshed

Crédito da foto: Getty images

In the early hours of 19 October, 2024, Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe were brutally murdered, their bodies riddled with bullets, at the behest of someone who believed that this would silence the VOICE of the people that these two citizens made a point to defend! Five months ago today. In the last five months, the murderers have not been identified, nor have the masterminds, nor is there any effort to solve this and other heinous crimes that have been committed in our country. There is no justice! Since then, many more Mozambican citizens have been silenced in the same brutal way, many others have simply disappeared, and even more remain lost in the meanders of our prison system… deliberately forgotten and mistreated in our police stations and prisons, in a deliberate strategy to stifle and repress our constitutional right to protest. While this and other unsolved crimes remain like a gangrene in our social fabric, our Attorney General’s Office is carrying out investigations that are exposing their politicised and partisan nature.

It is with great anger and sadness that we remember our comrade Elvino, who was always ready to defend the rights of the poorest, most forgotten and most vulnerable people in our country… it is with even greater anger that we continue to witness the total devaluation of the lives of Mozambicans, we are killed for demonstrating, killed for passing near a gathering, killed for thinking differently, killed for no longer agreeing to stand by and watch our country being squandered, killed for pointing out the serious violations of the law, the rampant corruption that everyone swears to fight only to show that it is possible to loot even more… killed for denouncing the constant and endless plunder of the state coffers, the abuse of power, the arrogance and incompetence that is paraded in our public institutions.

Never before in the history of independent Mozambique has our ethical and moral compass pointed to such a deep abyss. From electoral fraud, which Elvino decided to fight “to the end”, to corruption at the highest levels, to the partisanship of the state, to the serious and constant violations of human rights, to the open incitement to hatred and violence by those who misrule our country, we have never sunk so low. However, despite the evidence and the current state of our country, the support of the Global North remains… just so that they can continue to exploit and profit, their greed to exploit our wealth is so superior and “makes impossible” the countless hollow commitments to freedom, democracy, justice and human rights! But we don’t even need to go that far, even African governments, our own brothers and sisters, also pretend not to see while the Mozambican government violates all the precepts of freedom of expression, of demonstration and the most basic human rights, the right to life, perhaps in the hope that the awakening of the people will not spread to their own dynasties.

Today, 18 March, we write these lines and remember Elvino Dias, to the sound of gunfire, because today the People have decided to honor and celebrate their heroes by decreeing a People’s holiday. 18 March marks 2 years since our beloved rapper-activist Azagaia died and the police attacked the mourners as we mourned our fallen hero at his funeral. The police have decided to maintain “order” and “tranquility” in the way they do best, by arresting and killing! As dead, we certainly won’t be able to protest! As dead, we certainly won’t be able to shut down roads or display our posters with our heroes! How many more will have to die before they realize that the more of us they kill, the more revolt they create? How many more have to die before the country comes to a standstill? What do they think, that guns will guarantee peace? We can’t all be silenced!

As dissenting voices are silenced one by one, or two by two with bullets in their cars, we are not just witnessing political crimes, but the crumbling of the very moral fabric that should unite us as a nation. To all those who stubbornly continue to raise their voices, who stubbornly continue to demand justice, freedom and rights for all… the struggle continues!

Enough of state terrorism!

Enough of impunity!

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PRESS RELEASE: Justiça Ambiental wins legal battle against the Mphanda Nkuwa dam implementation office: the government is now obliged to provide information about the project

The Maputo City Administrative Court (TACM in its Portuguese abbreviation) has just ordered the Mphanda Nkuwa Hydroelectric Project Implementation Office (GMNK) and the Ministry of Mineral Resources and Energy (MIREME) to provide the information requested by Mozambican organisation Justiça Ambiental (JA!). In case no. 63/2024, JA! had appealed to the Court requesting that the GMNK and MIREME be ordered to provide information on safeguarding the fundamental rights of local communities affected by the implementation of the controversial Mphanda Nkuwa dam, proposed to be built on the Zambezi River in Tete province.

Background

The battle for access to information relating to the latest stage of the Mphanda Nkuwa project has been going on since 2019. Since then, JA! has made numerous and successive attempts to obtain information from the GMNK, through letters and even meetings, about the studies that will be carried out and their respective terms of reference, how new components will be integrated into the studies (bearing in mind that issues such as climate change, for example, have never been covered in previous studies), how the project will ensure that the voices and rights of local communities will be respected, among many other questions. Despite an apparent openness to dialogue with JA!, the GMNK has always limited itself to evasive, superficial answers, without providing any of the documents requested.

On March 6th 2024, JA! once again formally requested information on measures to protect the fundamental rights of local communities. However, the GMNK’s response was once again superficial, limiting itself to saying that the process of updating the technical studies was underway (an excuse that has been served up to us since April 2021). MIREME, for its part, didn’t even respond to the request, completely ignoring the letter sent by JA!

This stance by both GMNK and MIREME denotes a disastrous attempt to shirk their responsibility to provide information that is essential to the process of implementing the project. The information requested should be available, as it would serve to guarantee transparency, legality and preventive monitoring of the impacts on the rights of the affected communities. The secrecy and obscurantism that have permeated this project from the outset (including in stages long prior to 2018), in addition to the serious risks and impacts already identified by numerous experts and organisations, raise serious doubts about the alleged benefits touted by the government. At the same time, local communities have been reporting situations of intimidation, threats and even arbitrary arrests against those who question the development of the project. How can Mphanda Nkuwa really contribute to the country’s development if it needs to hide the steps it is taking and repress those most affected?

On 2 April 2024, JA! decided to escalate the issue to the Court (TACM), and submitted a request for it to order the government to make the requested information available.

The arguments used by the government

After being notified by the court, GMNK claimed that local communities had been actively involved, and that it holds meetings with local leaders, civil society and the media to share information about the project. The GMNK also tried to justify the lack of information by claiming that the studies had not yet reached the public participation stage. However, GMNK’s claim that community participation is restricted to the ‘public hearing’ process – the stage at which the environmental and social feasibility studies will actually be presented – does not reflect a real commitment to consulting communities, nor does it comply with the Administrative Procedures Act, a fact that the court did not hesitate to clarify. Law 07/2014 is clear: administrative authorities must guarantee public consultation and provide the information requested, except in the case of documents classified as secret or confidential, which is not the case here.

As for MIREME, it merely reproduced GMNK’s arguments and asked for the subpoena request to be rejected, claiming that our request was false, hasty and presumptuous. Apparently, MIREME thinks it’s ‘presumptuous’ for us to request public information about a project financed with public money, but it doesn’t think it’s presumptuous to decide the fate of entire communities without consulting them. Interesting definition of presumption!

A historical decision

The Maputo City Administrative Court then ruled in favour of JA!, determining that GMNK and MIREME must provide the requested information, regardless of the stage the studies are at, within 10 days. Failure to comply with this decision could result in the offence of qualified disobedience, as well as civil and disciplinary liability, according to article 110, no. 2 of the same law.

This historic decision by the TACM represents a decisive moment for the defence of the rights of local communities that are being threatened by the Mphanda Nkuwa dam project, and for the fight for the right to information in our country. The ruling reaffirms the constitutional right of access to information on projects that directly affect the environment and communities. By ordering the GMNK and MIREME to provide the information requested, the court establishes that transparency cannot be delayed or conditioned on arbitrary government timetables.

This decision also creates a legal tool that other civil society organisations and/or communities affected by megaprojects can use in similar cases, invoking this precedent to demand greater transparency.

“JA! welcomes this decision, and we reiterate that no so-called development project should go ahead without making available all the information needed and required by local communities and other social actors, so that this information can be properly evaluated, debated, and so that we can make better development decisions. This decision is also a big step towards materialising the right to say NO to megaprojects that cannot prove their alleged benefits, or that are already implicated in human rights violations, as is the case with Mphanda Nkuwa. Nothing about us without us!”

– Anabela Lemos, director of  Justiça Ambiental JA!

Ruling No 65/2024

Read more about the environmental, social, climate and economic risks associated with the Mphanda Nkuwa dam

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Post-Election Crisis in Mozambique and Protests at Multinationals

The electoral crisis unfolding in Mozambique since the October 2024 elections stems from a long-standing period of widespread discontent and dissatisfaction. This dissatisfaction is driven by precarious living conditions, social and gender inequality, youth unemployment, rising crime rates in urban centres, extreme vulnerability to climate events, continuous dependency on foreign economic aid, and political violence. Many promises were made that the exploitation of Mozambique’s natural resources would meet the needs of over 30 million citizens. These promises accompanied the licensing and concessions granted to foreign multinationals and their megaprojects. However, after 20 years of operation for some of these projects, young Mozambicans and others see their expectations unfulfilled.

Additionally, various social, professional, and community groups have begun showing fearless courage, taking to the streets to express their frustration after nearly 50 years of oppression. Communities affected by the extractive industry have found an opportunity to voice their demands for the promised benefits. However, these benefits exist only on paper. Misery, suffering, and hopelessness remain the tangible impacts felt daily by Mozambicans in rural areas directly affected by extractive industries.

In the district of Larde, specifically in the locality of Topuito, heavy sands are extracted by the Irish company Kenmare. After 20 years of exploitation, unjust resettlements, and the destruction of livelihoods in surrounding communities, no plausible or significant benefits have been delivered to these people. They are treated as mere chess pieces, displaced to make way for extraction. The invasion of Kenmare’s camp on 6 December, amid post-election protests, was a clear demonstration of the dissatisfaction felt by the Topuito and Larde communities. They cannot understand how or why they lost their lands to a company that has brought no positive change to their lives.

The breaking point for these communities lies in the worst of all the false promises made by the government and Kenmare: the construction of a bridge connecting Topuito to the district capital of Larde. This dates back to 2016 when Kenmare decided to expand its heavy sands extraction area to include the community’s sacred forest, which housed Mount Felipe. According to local belief, this forest was home to protective spirits and rain-bringers, as well as a source of healing waters symbolised by a giant serpent residing on the mountain.

The community initially resisted Kenmare’s activities in the sacred area, believing that the destruction of Mount Felipe would bring misfortune and that local leaders would not survive such sacrilege. However, with unconditional support from the provincial government, a meeting was held with traditional leaders, culminating in the surrender of the sacred site to Kenmare. Interestingly, the local chief died immediately after signing the documents. Was it the wrath of the spirits or another cause? No one knows.

In truth, the exchange for the sacred site, Kenmare had promised to construct a bridge connecting Topuito to the district capital. Beyond its sacred cultural and traditional significance, the site also served as a landmark for fishermen navigating their return home. The consensus sought was to expand the extraction area while preserving a minimum space respecting community values and beliefs at Mount Felipe. But, as always, community interests were neglected, and today nothing remains of Mount Felipe except white, barren sand, stripped of all its properties by the unrestrained capitalist greed of the machinery.

This, among other reasons, led to the camp’s invasion, the pursuit of an aircraft, vehicles forcibly taken to join protests in Moma, and Kenmare being compelled to sign an agreement to begin construction of the promised bridge in 2016. Just as Kenmare had coerced traditional leaders to surrender the sacred mountain with government support, it was now forced to honour its word, delivering at least the minimum after years of extracting heavy sands and reaping millions in profits.

On Monday, 9 December, the day another supposed groundbreaking ceremony for the bridge was to take place, the community was met with a heavy military contingent. Without hesitation, they opened fire on demonstrators. The company later told the press the situation was “under control.”

Many wonder where the anger and fury visible on the faces of the protesters come from. It stems from years of exploitation without return, false promises, and blatant corruption. Similar situations have occurred in Palma, in the Afungi Peninsula, where communities like Macala and Mangala had to block TotalEnergies’ gates for two weeks to finally have their concerns addressed after waiting months for compensation. Their complaints had been ignored since the previous year.

Some might question what foreign investments have to do with electoral issues, arguing that they only bring jobs and revenue to the country. However, they are deeply intertwined, symbolising power and exploitation of the most disadvantaged social groups. These investments represent exclusion from job opportunities for local youth, flouting laws while being shielded by the government. They act in partnership to destroy community livelihoods and spread false promises.

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